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Du Changhao
| name = Du Chánghào | native_name = ㄉㄨ ㄔㄤㄏㄠ | image = Du Changhao.jpg | imagesize = | caption = Du in 2004 | office = Premier of the Manchu Republic | term_start = 27th January 1990 | term_end = 7th August 2002 | predecessor = Yuan Xiang | successor = Jin Pai Nai | vicepremier1 =Sun Panmin | office2 = Chairman of the Minzhudang | term_start2 = 5th May 1989 | term_end2 = 7th August 2000 | predecessor2 = | successor2 = Shen Baoli | office3 = Party Secretary for | term_start3 = 23rd June 1983 | term_end3 = 21s November 1989 | predecessor3 = | successor3 = | office4 = Leader of the New Progressive Party | term_start4 = 14th November 2008 | term_end4 = 31st January 2014 | predecessor4 = Position Established | successor4 = Feng Huiyin | birth_date = 22nd February 1945 (71) | birth_place = Harbin, Second Manchu Republic | party = Communist Party of Manchuria (1973-89) Minzhudang (1990-2008) New Progressive Party (2008-present) | nationality = | alma_mater = | profession = | spouse = Ma Xiaofen | children = | religion = | allegiance = Manchuria | branch = Manchu People's Army | serviceyears = 1967 - 1968 | rank = | commands = | battles = | awards = | signature = Du_Changhao_signurture_.png|100px |footnotes = }} :This is a ; the is '''Du Changhao' ( : ㄉㄨ ㄔㄤㄏㄠ; : Du Chánghào: born 22nd February 1945, aged 71) is a Manchurian retired politician and former who served as the Premier of Manchuria from 1990 to 2002. Du also served as the leader of the Popular Front for Democracy and Revolution from its founding in 1989 to 1995, the Minzhudang Chairman from 1990 to 2000 and as the Communist Party secretary for the city of from 1983 to 1989. He was also the founder of the New Progressive Party and its leader from 2008-13. Styled as the " " Du is widely recognised as having played a key role in the end of communism in Manchuria and subsequent democratisation. Born in in 1945, Du joined the Communist Party of Manchuria in the 1970's where he quickly became aligned to the reformist faction of the party, becoming a close associate of rising star Tao Shiyou. In 1981 he was elected as a member of the Central Committee and in 1983 the Party Secretary for the Dalian region. As the Party Secretary for Dalian he oversaw some market reforms in the city, and soon became the most radical in his implementation of Tao's "New Communism". Following Tao's ousting in 1986 Du asserted himself as the leading voice for reform within the party, retaining his role in the Central Committee and party secretary in Dalian. At the outbreak of the Orchid Revolution in Dalian Du publicly voiced support for the protesters, becoming one of the leading figures calling for the implementation of democracy. He resigned from the Communist Party and formed the Popular Front for Democracy and Revolution, an umbrella group of dissidents who opposed the Manchu communist government. Following the announcement of multiparty elections the Popular Front was reformed as a electoral coalition that won the legislative elections. Du was the Popular Front's candidate for premier, with Du being elected Premier over Communist candidate Yuan Xiang. Du governed Manchuria alongside a legislature that consisted of a coalition of parties across the political spectrum (such as his own Minzhudang, the Manzuxiehui and United People's Party) which pushed forward a moderate agenda known as the Auspicious Path to Progress that saw the economic deregulation, privatisation of state owned enterprises, the dismantlement of the secrete police and moves to create a welfare state. Du however clashed with several right wing politicians within the legislature, mainly over Du's oppositions to greater privatisations and deregulation into public and private sectors respectively. Du spearheaded policies that saw freedom of the press and protest fully adhered to in Manchuria. Du was re-elected in 1996 where he continued to implement his economic reforms in the face of a deep recession. In 1996 after the Zuigaohuiyi blocked a proposed budget Du declared a due to the recession creating the Supreme Revolutionary Committee which saw the Zuigaohuiyi was temporarily suspended and civil liberties curtailed. In 2000 the Zuigaohuiyi's suspension ended and in 2002 Du stepped down as Premier. Following his time as Premier Du was elected into the Supreme National Assembly, where he retained an ambivalent relationship with the administration of the new Premier Jin Pai Nai. Following the collapse of the Minzhudang in 2007 and the subsequent 2008 elections he alongside Raoguo Jixu formed the New Progressive Party as well as work with various organisations such as . In early 2013 he resigned as NPP chairman to let colleague Raoguo Jixu run for the office of Premier in the 2014 election. He remains a voting member on the NPP's National Committee. Du's tenure as Premier was controversial, due to his rocky relationship with the legislature (especially during the 1000 Days Reform), authoritarianism and accusations of corruption. Some have stated that under his administration Manchuria had an appearance of democracy but was in fact dictatorial and centralised. Nevertheless, Du is widely recognised and praised for his role in ending the communist regime in Manchuria. In 2015 he published his autobiography Central Planning to Free Markets - A Different Revolutionary. Early life Du Changhao was born in the city of the on the 22nd February 1945 into a family. At the time Manchuria was split between the regime, an effective colony and the revolutnary Manchu Republic formed during the Manchu Revolution. His father had been a rich peasant, but had been killed by the Japanese for his connections to the and his farm subsequently given over to Japanese colonialists with Du's family being forced to work on an opium farm. Du had five siblings - two older sisters and later a younger brother and sister. As Harbin was in republican territory, Du was born under the revolutionary government rather then the Japanese Manzhouguo regime. A few months after Du's birth the Communist Party of Manchuria came to power in Manchuria under the rule of Jin Guoxing, who embarked on a collectivisation campaign in Manchuria in 1948, which saw Du's family moved to a . Du's family suffered harsh conditions in the collective farm, with food shortages being common - it is known that his older sister Zehui suffered malnutrition within the collective farm in the 1950 Manchurian famine, although none of his family died. As part of the literacy campaigns launched by the government Du was sent to a primary school within the farming collective in 1949. He left the collective in 1955 to attend vocational school in Harbin's urban area, which he graduated from in 1963. At the age of 12 he joined the Young Communist League, the official youth wing of the CPM. Following that he was able to attend the , where he studied where he specialised in studying . In May 1966 he became engaged to Ma Xiaofen, who was also of a peasant background and worked as a maid within the Harbin Institute of Technology. They were married two months later. Du graduated around the same time with a degree in chemical engineering - his degree paper was titled "On the effects of Sarin and Chlorine in modern warfare". After graduating he then took part in his mandatory military service (known as "Patriotic Civil Service") where he spent 18 months serving in the army, where it is alleged he helped in research for chemical weapons. According to Shūjìchù reports Du was described as being a "loyal communist with proficiency in his profession and his organisational skills.". Communist apparatchik Du's peasant background coupled with his idealogical loyalty and glowing academic performance made him a candidate for joining the CPM, which he applied for in 1968. At the time Manchuria was gripped in the Anti Reactionary Campaign, a nationwide purge of officials accused of engaging in "counter revolutionary activity". Du was implicated it accusing several of his former classmates in such activities, which enabled him to become a member of the CPM. Following his ascension to the party Du was moved from Harbin to where he was posted as the Party Overseer for the Dachangshandao in Changhai County - it is thought that the Dachangshandao plant manufactured chemical weapons, most likely . At the chemical plant Du was known for taking a consensus approach to decision making making him popular amongst the workers and his colleagues. In 1973 he was transferred to Dalian where he served as the Economic Secretary for the city, where he implemented some of the more reformist orientated economic policies. Du's willingness to change the status quo caught the eyes of his superiors, as many apparatchiks were highly conservative in pursuing any sort of reform. In 1978 he was appointed to the post of Deputy Secretary for Dalian by the city's party secretary, Zhang Xiomang. Dalian secretary In 1980 the Chairman of the CPM's Standing Committee Tao Shiyou ascended to the rank of First Secretary. Tao, a reformist within the party, sought to strengthen his control amongst local party cadres by decentralising power from the more conservative central government in Harbin where Tao's reforms where more heavily opposed. By giving power to local authorities Tao was able to build up stronger grass roots appeal in the party as well as ensure his program was fully implemented. That year Du was appointed to the Reformatory Economic Consultative Committee which advocated for more liberal reforms to the socialist economic system and was invited to the Central Economic Policy Directorate in 1981 where he helped draft the 8th five-year plan, where he became a staunch ally to Tao and his so-called "New Communism". Seen as a rising star within the party, in 1983 Du was appointed as Party Secretary for Dalian, effectively having control over the city. As Party Secretary for Dalian Du removed many in the party branch in the city n corruption charges, stacking high positions with those loyal to him. When he started as party secretary he took a consensus approach to leadership; however this quickly evaporated as he amassed more power around himself and a small cadre of his own loyal followers, thus creating a power base for himself within Dalian. Du held direct elections for the rubber stamp Municipal Council in Dalian - all candidates were members of the CPM, but there were multiple names on the ballot paper. Du also had a record number of women sit on the Municipal Council in a symbolic gesture to women's rights. Du also made comprehensive economic reform, encouraging private trade between citizens whilst lessening price controls and decentralising power in state owned enterprises. Wage differentials were also encouraged as was a steady flow of consumer goods. Du's reforms in Dalian were greeted with scepticism from the party elite in Harbin, but were replicated to varying degrees in other urban areas. This caught the attention of Tao Shiyou who stated that Dalian was the most efficiently governed region of the country". Du was widely considered to be Tao's protégé, being appointed both to the secretariat and the Central Committee and poised to become a member of the politburo and possible successor to Tao Shiyou in 1986. In 1986 Tao Shiyou made a scathing repudiation of the reforms purused in the by and criticised reformists who called for a "repeal of socialism" leading a purge against reformists spearheaded by party conservatives such as Sun Xianxheng and Yang Hanjun. Despite leading a purge against reformists, Du was able to escape persecution, mobilising the reformist bloc within the Central Committee to vote to retain his position. The purge of reformists left few of them left in the politburo, with the most powerful being the former head of the Shūjìchù Yuan Xiang and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission Qing Hongshu. Du was able to continue his reforms in Dalian, albeit at a slower pace due to increased conservative opposition. Within the central committee, Du was perhaps the most strident voice for reform. In 1988 Du made a speech to the Central Committee where he made several veiled attacks against the government of Tao, criticising the CPM for having lost its revolutionary edge and that repression that weakened the bond between the party and the proletariat. Du was subsequently arrested and detained by the Shūjìchù where he was tortured through electrocution - it took the personal intervention of Qing and Yuan to secure his release and re-appoint him to Dalian secretary, much to the dissatisfaction of conservatives. The party conservatives inability to successfully purge Du showed the deep factionalism embedded in the party. Following his purging and subsequent rehabilitation Du kept a low profile, with reforms in Dalian reaching a standstill. Orchid Revolution In 1989 tensions had flared up in the . Triggered by a massive wave of , the came to an with the trade union which set the stage for the semi-democratic . The unrest in Poland sparked protests and demonstrations around the communist bloc - in , and protests were held whilst in and the regimes passed through several democratic reforms. This saw several pro-democracy students (Wang Ximing, Li Ling, and Li Dongfang) enter the central square in Dalian in November and start flying the flag of the Manchu Republic, causing them to be arrested by the police. This prompted several hundred Manchu citizens to take to the streets showing solidarity with the arrested students. Underground and government supported labour unions and student groups appealed to the Municipal Council to release the students, quickly creating the Popular Front for Democracy and Revolution which aimed to unite pro-democracy forces together in Dalian, starting the Orchid Revolution. .]]The creation of the Popular Front prompted the central government in Harbin to order Du to send in military to break up the protests. Du refused, and subsequently released the students who had put up the flag, calling the initial act "a non-crime". At this point Du had not sided with the protesters, but had openly defied the central government. On December 5th Du's membership to the CPM was revoked, causing Du to openly support the Popular Front and becoming its de facto leader. The release of the students saw protests erupt around the country - in Qiqihar protesters stormed the party's offices and took it over, declaring elections for the city's local administration would be undertaken immediately. The ongoing protests saw the central government split on how to respond to them - hardliners like Qing advocated for a crackdown whilst moderates like Yuan were more open to pursue a dialogue. In December Sun in his role as head of the security forces led a crackdown in the largest city of Mukden with the civilian and secret polices brutally crushing the protests - however the armed forces were subsequently deployed to break up the fighting between the protesters and police forces. The factionalism that had gripped the party since the late 1950's finally came to full force as many liberal and reformist members broke from the CPM to form the Democratic Party. This alongside the splits within the armed forces and the open rebellion in Dalian threatened to plunge Manchuria into a in December as clashes between protesters, security forces and the military became common in Harbin. On the 13th December Tao called an emergency politburo meeting where he attempted to rally support for a further crackdown. However after the botched "Mukden Storm" and the creation of the Minzhudang Tao and the hardliners had lost support resulting in moderates such as Yuan, Qing and Yang Hajun to oust Tao appointing Yuan as Premier and Qing First Secretary. Yuan and Qing attempted to stabilise the situation by promising to imprison corrupt officials, privatise and deregulate the economy, and give freedom of the press. However, those such as Du called for "democracy before compromise", refusing to negotiate with the government until they promised to hold genuine free and fair elections. Eventually on the 29th December Yuan ad Qing capitulated in the face of massive destabilisation and announced that multi-party elections for the premier and a constituent assembly would take place in January. The CPM scheduled early elections in the hope that the opposition would be unable to consolidate around one candidate before the election took place. This had a reverse effect - Du was able to successfully convince the majority of opposition parties (including the Minzhudang, Manzuxiehui, Korean People's Party, Republican Party of Manchuria and Social Democratic Party) to join the Popular Front. Du was named as the leader of the Minzhudang. In contest the CPM was still struggling from infighting as many former members of the regime deserted the party to be absorbed into the civil service instead. The CPM's dominance of the political institutions meant that the party all but collapsed, with only the politburo and a rump Central Committee effectively functioning. As well as this bitter debate between hardliners and moderates continued to rage across its members as Yuan Xiang was nominated as the CPM's premierial candidate. From the offset Du was at a disadvantage. Although the CPM were eclipsed in internal conflicts, they still had control over the state media and ingrained support at a local governmental level. Du had local Popular Front groups set up huge rallies which he would arrive in in a private helicopter. At many Popular Front rallies Du had rock and pop music played (two genres previosuly severely restricted under the communists) in an attempt to court the youth vote. It has been alleged that Du's campaign was funded by foreign donors which was then illegal. Du's campaign focused on ending , the , , giving full , and , dismantling the , drafting a new, democratic constitution and undertake several economic reforms to transition from a to a . Du criticised his opponent Yuan for attempting to hold up the regime, and stated that he would not bring democracy nor seriously address economic reform. Throughout the campaign Du's personal approval rating remained high, and he was widely tipped to win. On the election itself Du won in a gaining 21,415,012 votes (60.8%). In his inaugural speech Du promised he would spearhead an "Auspicious Path to Progress" in Manchuria as well as stating that his election was "the final nail against dictatorship and communism". The same day as the Premierial elections were the elections which were won by the Popular Front. The Manzuxiehui netted 50 seats, the Minzhudang 48, the RPM 18, the SDP 17 and the KPP 3 whilst the Communist retained 59. Premiership First term Constitution and Government One of Du's first duties was to oversee the drafting of a new constitution. A provisional basics law was quickly passed which was a revised version of the communist constitution which deleted references to socialism and the communist party. The new constitution was mainly drafted by the constituent assembly establishing several freedoms, an independent judiciary and a system of governance with an executive premier. A Supreme Court was assembly by the Premierial office and the constituent assembly. Du signed the Constitution on the 21st December 1990, dissolving the Assembly the same day with elections for the newly formed Zuigaohuiyi happening the next day (although campaigning began much earlier). Du announced his first executive council (the executive body that replaced the National Democratic Council) shortly after his inauguration. The executive council consisted of members of all three of the parties within the Popular Front with the Minzhudang controlling 10 orgburo's, the Manzuxiehui 8, and the KPP, RPM and SDP 1 each. Despite the Mazuxiehui controlling key governmental posts (foreign affairs, interior, justice and health) it soon became clear that power was centralised into a small group of secretaries, most of whom were former CPM apparatchiks that had served under Du when he was Dalian Secretary. This group (consisting of Du, Sun Panmin, Shen Yang, Chang Tingfang, Li Yongzhi, Chen Caihou, Hu Xuezhong and Zhao Shengqing) soon became known as the "Dalian Clique" and were seen as Du's staunchest supporters. Democratisation On his election campaign promised to democratise Manchuria. Already during the Orchid Revolution the Communist Party's local apparatus had collapsed save in the north of the country. Nevertheless the army remained politicised as did the intelligence services who still maintained overarching censorship and a network of political prisons. Almost immediately after coming to power Du announced an unconditional amnesty for all political prisoners, before passing a revised Penal Code that abolished crimes relating to counter revolution, revisionism and economic sabotage. Du also passed a new law that mandated that civil servants and members of the military and the Shūjìchù must not be members of political parties thereby destroying the CPM's hold over state institutions. To implement this Du made several pacts with former communist officials such as Yuan Xiang and Gao Yuzhang (the latter of whom defected to the Manzuxiehui) who made sure Du's reforms were carried out with little opposition. Du then cracked down on what were perceived as corrupt members of the military and intelligence services (in fact they were mostly opponents to Du's regime or former communists). He then abolished the Central Military Commission replacing it with the Joint Command which was responsible to the Premier and the Shūjìchù which was replaced with the National Security Secretariat which was placed under the control of the Orgburo of the Interior. Following the purging of several top Shūjìchù and military officers Du offered another amnesty to Shūjìchù and military members which generated much controversy. Du removed the vast majority of censorship controls after coming power as well as overseeing the creation of an independent judiciary. Freedom of speech, religion, assembly and conscience were also more greatly acknowledged, leading to the slow rise of a civil society. A boom in media followed the lifting of censorship controls with a new generation of writers, musicians, actors and film makers coming to prominence. Freedom of religion led to the rise of several , the most famous of which was the which gained popularity in Manchuria and China {where it was later ). In 1990 Du created the Commission for Reconciliation which was designed to prosecute communist officials. Several former communists accused of murder and state terrorism where convicted, with the majority being given a life sentence. Controversially however former Shūjìchù head Sun Xianxheng was sentenced to death in 1995 for crimes against humanity, state terrorism, corruption and embezzlement. Sun was the only former communist to be sentenced to death, with critics maintaining that his punishment was politically motivated (Sun had been responsible for arresting Du in 1988, and was still considered to be influential within the intelligence services). The Commission for Reconciliation notably did not prosecute former communists within the Minzhudang and the Manzuxiehui as well as prominent communists such as Yuan Xiang and Gao Yuzhang. In 1991 the Commission formally began a process of opening up the Shūjìchù archives to private citizen if they requested to look into their file - however the majority of files were kept closed to much controversy. Economic policy Du intended to restructure the entire Manchurian economy when coming to power. Under the communist regime central planning dictated the economy whose assets and means of production were entirely owned by the state. Du sought to create a and thus embarked on a radical overhaul of the economy via " " that were similarly being implemented in and . In February 1990 the Law on Public Goods and Law of Communal Living were both repealed which legalised the creation of private business and farms. Around the same time were completely abolished save for food, which continued to be rationed. However, it was in March 1990 did Du introduce his first package - several (SOE's) were placed up for privatisation via sold to citizens at low prices. Local governmental authorities would be responsible for carrying out the privatisation whilst shares in large industries were auctioned to domestic buyers. The implementation of the privatisation programme meant it was fraught with corruption, with local governmental officials at times selling vouchers at high prices leaving them to buy up shares themselves. Many of the shares put up for sale in large SOE's were brought either by former communist or government officials (who had much higher incomes then the general population) or organised crime bosses (i.e the Manchu which had previously operated an extensive black market). Agriculture was the first sector to undergo mass privatisation. Previously agriculture had been collectivised into communes of around 50 families named Socialist Agricultural Co-operatives (SAC's). SAC's had moderate production rates but required huge state subsidies in order to maintain farming machinery - the Secretary for Agriculture Kim Myong-su remarked that the SAC's were designed simply to feed the population and with food being sold at artificially low prices were financial losses. The Du government believed that inefficacy in agriculture could only be solved if the SAC's were privatised which would allow them to remove price controls on food. As such when the first privatisation programme was launched the vast majority of state subsidies were withdrawn from SAC's which were given the option of either "self privatising" or continuing to function as collectives. At the same time Du negotiated for food imports from the , and so that the lapses of agricultural productivity caused by the privatisation process would not result in food shortages. Almost overnight many SAC's faced financial problems due to the withdrawal of state subsidies and were subsequently put up for privatisation via the voucher scheme. Following the successful privatisation of agriculture Du saw several other industries sold off. Pharmaceuticals, ports, cars and alcohol were completely privatised as gambling, steel, iron and ships were partially privatised. In 1991 the second privatisation package was launched which privatised telecommunications, mines, television stations, media networks, universities, national papers and buses amongst others. Privatisation resulted in the command economy by 1992 to be almost completely eliminated outside of state owned enterprises - however many of the privatised industries were either brought up by former officials or criminals. When the Du government came to power Manchuria was in the midst of a . The Manchu Yuan had a fixed exchange rate to the , but was unable to muster enough foreign exchange. This in turn led to Manchuria experiencing a deep in 1992 as the economy shrank to the point where the GDP was lower then it was in 1990 (contracting from US$195.56 million to US$123.45 million). In response the Du government ordered the Manchu Central Bank to undertake rapid and aggressive devaluation of the Manchu Yuan. As the crisis deepened Manchuria started to take large which were negotiated with the which kept the Manchu economy afloat - nevertheless the economy remained on the brink of recession with growth being stubbornly stagnant as devaluation was continually utilised to deal with the currency crisis. As part of the restructuring of the economy Du implemented comprehensive tax reform. Under the communist government taxes on income and goods were complicated and often high. Du replaced the five bracket income tax with a two bracket one (22% for those earning under 元835,000, 35% for those earning over that amount) and instituted a new corporate tax rate of 20%. Value-added tax and payroll tax were both abolished under the Du government, as was the communist's pension scheme. Social Reforms Under Du Changhao the government created the Law of Human Rights which formally enshrined into the constitution. The Du government in its first term pursued several progressive social reforms, retaining the affirmative action policy towards women and mandating that women receive equal pay in SOE's (this was not the case in private companies however). Du also expanded rights for Koreans who were subject to discrimination under the communist government, organising a reparations scheme for those wronged by the communist regime. Divorce laws were liberalised whilst racial and gender discrimination was clamped down upon. However, compared to his economic policies, Du's social policies faced staunch resistance by the Popular Front. Proposals to end the two-child policy were shot down by conservative members of the Minzhudang and the Manzuxiehui, as was proposals to protect from discrimination, abolish the , and liberalise immigration laws. The Du government also made sweeping cuts to social programmes abolishing paid maternity leave and closing down many childcare centres. Welfare allowances came under fire being singled out as insolvent, with the Du government severely limiting the welfare allowances for the unemployed and the poor, instituting a regime to replace it. This resulted in the income inequality gap to widen dramatically under Du, not helped by the rise in unemployment due to the mid-1990's recession. Defence policy Under communist rule Manchuria had been a highly militarised state with a large portion of the budget committed to military spending. Mandatory conscription (known as Patriotic Civil Service) was also in effect for all citizens between the ages of 18-21. Du sought to gut the military to reduce spending, but the powerful combined with opposition from the Manzuxiehui resulted in the Du government pursuing conservative and cautious reforms regarding the military. An anti-corruption campaign was launched against military officers associated with the former regime, but it never gained momentum with only a minority of military officers being convicted. Du successfully withdrew several Manchu divisions from the Chinese border deeming them to be unnecessary and in 1994 successfully scrapped some of the Manchu navy's ships deeming them to be inefficient and useless. The armed forces went through a cosmetic change under Du being renamed from the Manchu People's Revolutionary Army to the Manchu National Defence Force (MNDF), with communist iconography being removed. Du also successfully negotiated arms deals with and . Du's most controversial defence policy however was that towards Manchurian weapons of mass destruction. During the 1960's with Soviet assistance Manchuria had developed a small stockpile of nuclear and chemical weapons, conducting several nuclear tests between 1972-88. Manchuria's nuclear weapons programme had resulted in , , and the to impose economic sanctions on Manchuria which damaged Manchuria's economic growth - however opposition from conservative forces prevented Du from ending the programme. On the 12th April 1991 Du ordered for the sixth Manchurian nuclear test to be undertaken. Whilst hailed as a success domestically the test encountered a strong rebuke from the international community, with the imposing sanctions a week after the test. On the 8th May Soviet president announced the USSR would unilaterally withdraw support for Manchuria's nuclear programme - as Soviet support was vital for the survival of Manchuria's nuclear weapons this move effectively finished the programme. Du used an executive order in May to formally announce that Manchuria was dismantling its nuclear programme, and subsequently invited the to formally oversee the dismantlement process. In 1993 the IAEA confirmed that Manchuria's 22 nuclear warheads had been destroyed with Manchuria subsequently signing the and the resulting in China, the USA, South Korea and the EEC to lift sanctions. Du also announced that Manchuria was closing down 2 facilities that the Manchurian government claimed had produced mustard and sarin gas in the 1960's - however Du (a former chemical engineer) refused international observers to inspect the facilities. This alongside a refusal to sign the led observer to accuse Manchuria of retaining chemical weapon stockpiles leading Japan to reimpose sanctions on Manchuria. Du claimed however that all chemical weapons had been destroyed, and that signing the CWC would be "unnecessary". Education policy Du's education policy focussed on removing communist focus in the education system. A curriculum review was commissioned by the Orgburo of Education in 1990 and completed the following year. Greater focus was placed on pre-communist history in Manchuria, whilst thousands of teachers were sacked for their "communist connections". Under the communist regime Manchuria's education system was amongst the best in Asia but the hastily implemented reforms meant by 1993 it had started to lag behind South Korea and China. Second term Economic policy In his second term Du continued with the economic reforms started in 1990. When Du entered office the Manchu economy was on the edge of recession. The Manchu Yuan continued to be aggressively devalued leading Manchuria to experience very high in 1997 due to extremely loose monetary policy and fluctuating wages, prices and interest rates resulting in the Manchu Yuan rapidly losing value as the Manchu Central Bank printed more money into the economy. Thousands lost their savings overnight as their savings were wiped out due to the punishing inflation. As inflation spiralled out of control the value of the Manchu Yuan plummeted. The Manchu government was still running high deficits due primarily to military, housing, infrastructure and welfare spending. In response to the growing inflation the Du government embarked on a tough scheme, privatising social housing, abolishing several social programmes and driving down infrastructure and military spending. Taxes and were also raised to drive down inflation. The Manchu government then set to controlling inflation through the application of monetary policy, loosening labour laws and abolishing workers' rights creating rising unemployment. The deepening unemployment problem resulted in civil unrest causing the Du government to announce another devaluation of the Manchu Yuan. This led to inflation to rise again as the Manchu economy struggled to facilitate growth. International investors feared Manchuria would default on its debt leading to investors to withdraw from the Manchu market, deepening the Manchu recession. In 1997 when the Supreme Revolutionary Committee was formed and emergency law declared the government deregulated the financial sector, before fast tracking the privatisation of the railways and the energy sector. Unemployment rose due to thousands of layoffs that accompanied the energy privatisation - this was somewhat avoided in the rail privatisation as railways largely came under the monopoly of Manchu RailNet. However, whilst this deregulation helped the stuttering financial industry the economy still performed poorly. It was becoming clear that the unfocussed somewhat improvised economic policy of the government alongside constant experimentations and reliance on foreign investment was not working. Whilst foreign companies in Manchuria generated reasonable profits native Manchu businesses failed to outside of small scale establishments (eg. cafes). The reason for this was that the transition from a command to a market economy had been undertaken with the assumption that the market would self regulate. Many of the managers of the new enterprises however were unable to rapidly shift production methods from communist to capitalist ones, and as the local and central governments gave little direction became financial losses. The inflationary crisis also resulted in many losing their life savings which coupled with the tough austerity measures led to a decline in the purchasing of services as the government tried to restructure the economy into a consumer based one. The privatisation process also was fraught with corruption leading many of the bosses of the ne companies (usually criminal bosses) to steal millions from their own companies and not investing in the market as was expected - many companies were driven into the ground after being financially drained as these oligarchs simply brought up new compaines. Finally, the government was ideologically committed to a market economy and implemented policies irrespective of their effects leading to economic policy mainly being a series of trial and error, with devastating social effects as a result. To combat these underlying economic problems the government started to work closely with the banks and big business to dictate economic policy. Subsidies to business frozen since 1990 flowed in as technocrats restructured the economy making it more in character. Although unions were kept at an arm's lengths away from the government close co-operation emerged between technocrats and big business who co-ordinated economic recovery in Manchuria. The government also struck deals with the oligarchs to invest in the economy in return for the government to tolerate their black market or criminal activities which many complied with. The Manchu Yuan was quickly scrapped as a currency being replaced by the New Manchu Yuan with 1,000 MY equal to 1 NMY. This along with interest rates being raised and the application of helped drive down inflation. These U-turns in economic policy were justified by the Du government under the slogan "Stop, step back, develop". Du's U-turn whilst putting more regulations on domestic businesses lowered corporation tax in Manchuria to 18.7%, and removed much of the red tape surrounding international businesses. With greater coordination between the government and businesses, a liberal trade policy, the gutting of the and a worldwide industrial-oil boom the Manchu economy began to regain growth at a rapid rate. In 1997 at the offset of the recession the GDP stood at US$201.74 million; in 1998 it rose to US$ 296.56 million, and by December 2001 when Du was leaving office it was at its highest ever at US$544.49 million. The rapid growth of the Manchurian economy after 1998 led to Manchuria being called the "Liaoshen Dragon". Intentional investors started to invest in Manchuria again as the economy boomed and stabilised, furthering the economic boom. Whilst the Manchu economy started to pick up again at a rapid rate many segments of the population were still disillusioned as wages flatlined at low levels. In order to stay competitive on the global market (especially compared with its neighbour China) the Du government kept wages low meaning many workers did not directly benefit from the economic boom. The close cooperation between government and business meant corruption became a major problem. During the recession years, black markets had exploded in Manchuria - whilst they lessened after 1998 they still remained a chronic problem for the Manchu economy. Income and wealth inequality remained serious problems as did the wealth gap between men and women, whilst poverty was in some areas still rampant. In 2000 Du launched a new economic policy, known as the Scientific Development Outlook, it aimed to fully integrate new technologies into the Manchurian economy. Subsidies to industry and oil ere redirected into technology and computing firms which had begun to gain headway in Manchuria. By 2002 more people had access to home computers as part of Du's Scientific Development Outlook - however the stated aim of moving Manchuria from a corpratist industrial economy to a free market service based one remained somewhat unfulfilled by the end of Du's term. Foreign policies Du Changhao's foreign policy in his first term was focussed around "opening up" Manchuria to the world. Whilst efforts had been under Tao Shiyou to improve relations with the they amounted little more to a policy of . Du in comparison wanted to forge greater ties with the west, but also stated that Manchuria "must be a neutral, peaceful world player". China East Asia In contrast to previous Manchurian leaders, Du was careful to distance himself from upon assuming power in 1990. Du theorised that like the rest of the world the North Korean regime would collapse and so cut financial aid to the DPRK. Relations remained frosty until the of which prompted Du to attend his funeral in . The subsequent smooth transfer of power to and } persuaded Du to take a soft line towards North Korea, overseeing the distribution of food aid and advocacy of peaceful reunification with South Korea. Following the creation of the Supreme Revolutionary Committee Du forged closer relations with the DPRK giving them more financial support in exchange for military hardware. Upon assuming power Du instantly extended diplomatic recognition to who had not been recognised under the communist regime. Du visited in 1990 where he met president , where he apologised for Manchu support for the . Whilst still harbouring scepticism towards South Korea Du promised to deepen economic and political ties, calling for the two nations to turn a new leaf in international relations. South Korean-Manchu relations improved when was and his adoption of the which was broadly welcomed by the Manchu government. By the end of his term Du had built good relations with both North and South Korea. Central and Eastern Europe Du also supported the new elected governments of the former Soviet bloc that had rose up following the , meeting with the leaders of , , and to discuss economic and social reform in the context of . When the declared independence from the Du immediately pushed for formal recognition, despite having previously supported Soviet president . In 1990 Du negotiated the withdrawal of from Manchuria completing a process started under Tao Shiyou. When the began to secede the Du government steadily recognised all of them. Following the in 1991 Du made a speech where he encouraged the world nations to "come together to forge a new world order of peace, democracy and free markets", and called the end of the USSR the decisive end of . Du subsequently travelled to where he congratulated Russian president calling him a herald of democracy. According to observers, Du enjoyed a close personal relationship with Yeltsin. Western Europe and North America Middle East South Asia Africa Political backbenches New Progressive Party Retirement Views Du always reiterated a commitment to the , referring to himself as a " " with a commitment to a small state. However, his adherence to principles and embrace of the concept of natural harmony resulted in Du later being labelled (though not by himself) as a . Du named , , and as his political influences. Du called Laozi "the most important societal and spiritual guide in human history". When Du was a member of the CPM he was positioned on the liberal right of the party, advocating for political and economic reform - however as a member of the party he never disavowed , calling it morally correct in comparison to capitalism, as well as maintaining that the Communist Party was best suited to rule Manchuria. However almost immediately after being elected Premier Du swung to the , advocating for aggressive and championing the free market. In his first term his social policies were largely with Du supporting women's and ethnic minorities rights, as well as overseeing the expansion of human rights - however following the formation of the Supreme Revolutionary Committee Du became strictly . Former Justice Secretary Jin Xiumin stated Du was largely non-idealogical, and effectively governed as an who was willing to appeal to whatever sentiment to gain power and wealth, citing his u-turns on free market economics and liberal democracy as examples. Political scientist Jiang Yingdou observed that Du in his term in office "saw free markets as an ideal, but was more ambivalent towards social policy hence the lack of progress made in that area in comparison to his economic reforms". Jiang did point out that Du was a firm believer in in international relations, having "no qualms" in cosying up to dictatorships in and . Du during his time in office referred to himself as a " at heart" seeing no difference between , and . However in 2014 following the Du acknowledged that there "are legitimate grievances against " and urged both Israeli's and Palestinians to exercise restraint. Du was firmly against the and has since his time in office advocated for reconciliation between world faiths. He has also called for all nations to respond in a humanitarian manner to the Syrian refugee crisis. Du has been a noted critic of , believing there is insufficient evidence to suggest that climate change is happening. He has condemned calls for Manchuria to regulate its carbon emissions as "crazy", and has compared environmentalists to communists. Public perception Public perception of Du has varied through the years. Du first gained popularity as the Party Secretary of Dalian where he portrayed himself as a man of the people, standing up to the "common man" in his anti-corruption measures. Between 1984-6 Du was commonly seen as the protégé of then-leader Tao Shiyou before being perceived as the most high profile reformist in the government following Tao's denunciation of reforms in the USSR. In the Orchid Revolution Du became the face of democratic reform and in Manchuria. It was during the revolution that Du cemented his style as a capable orator, criticising his opponents with vicious attacks, leading his critics to later call him a . However, later this image would be replaced as Du became seen as being statesmanly and unwilling to appeal to , with many pointing out that he only appeared to be populist when compared to the dull technocrats of the Communist Party. When Du entered office in 1990 he had high approval ratings, which only increased during his purges of the army and the secret police. However following his economic reform and poverty that accompanied it approval ratings plummeted, with his public approval continuing to decline as the recession worsened. By the time of 1996 election Du's approval was around 25%, down from 80% in May 1990. Personal life Electoral history Executive Councils First Executive Council Minzhudang: 12 Manzuxiehui: 8 Korean People's Party: 1 Social Democratic Party: 1 Republican Party of Manchuria: 1 Second Executive Council Minzhudang: 21 Korean People's Party: 1 Social Democratic Party: 1 Foreign Visits Awards and decorations Domestic Foreign Category:Individuals Category:Manchuria